‘Rutgers’

I know not what joys await us there, what Radiancy of glory, what light beyond compare. Those are words from a Latin Benedictine hymn heaping praises upon the biblical city of Jerusalem. Today, this promised land of gold sits silently atop mounting frustrations and misconstrued faiths. The Mount Herzl State Cemetery, found within the confines of Jerusalem, serves as the final resting place to the haunting vestiges of the city’s past: of wars fought, of lands conquered with a swift brutality, of violent acts of terror that celebrate dying for one’s people rather than living for them, of old friendships and new animus. Arabs and Jews have lived here for many centuries but for the last hundred years, they have fought many a war, both on the battlefield and in their hearts and minds. Understanding the complexity of the Israel-Palestinian conflict is a herculean task. Some of the worst antagonists on both sides exploit this fact by appealing to dangerously simplistic and demagogic solutions and have thus become the biggest obstacle to peace.

The political situation as it stands today is nothing short of dire. On one side, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded tepidly to the call for freezing settlements in the West Bank; on the other, the Palestinian leadership continues to drag its feet on sitting down for negotiations. In the meantime, the citizens of Gaza suffer from a crippling Israeli blockade and those in the West Bank and East Jerusalem face expansion of settlements that already infringe on their sovereignty. All the while, Israeli families in surrounding border towns and elsewhere live in continuous fear of rocket attacks and suicide bombers from Hamas. Ian Gallagher, a Rutgers Alumnus and Graduate Student at Boston University, majoring in Political Science, says:

I think that the issue is a centerpiece in America’s geopolitical strategy for the world and in particular the Middle East. It is obvious to Arabs living in the region that the occupation of Palestine is looked upon as a colonial settler state in the nature of Algeria or South Africa, backed by the US”, he contends.

After the Second World War, the Arabs in the region did have a relatively favorable view of the United States due to its history of anti-imperialist advocacy. However, geopolitics is not the only issue at hand, argues Lauren Sheppard*, a senior at School of Arts and Sciences, majoring in Political Science.

While it takes a toll on US with regard to its relationships with the Arab countries, it is worth it.  America can condemn Israel’s actions on a regular basis but when it comes down to it, the US has no bigger supporter than Israel in the region.

In the past, both the Israeli Government and Palestinian society have made serious strategic and moral errors, for which they pay the price today. Over the years, they mirrored each other’s hostility, adding fuel to fire with bouts of retaliation. Under such circumstances, it is not hard to understand the extent of aggravation and despair.

I visited Israel for only three months. I do not know that many people who live in Israel and I wonder what it is like for those people. How many countries have to constantly defend themselves and always be ready to fight a war?

At times, Palestinian society does tend to lend credence to violent uprising and anti-Semitism. Their misplaced faith in the morality and efficacy of such tactics took a lot of credibility away from their movement in the seventies, as witnessed by the aftermath to the Munich Olympics Massacre. Feverish calls for overthrowing the Israeli government are only surpassed by their penchant for praising martyrdom through suicide bombing. Ian Gallagher disagrees:

There may be instances of anti-Semitism, but they are very few. I spent months in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, telling everyone I met that I was Jewish and I never experienced a single instance of racism. It shows that the disputes are obviously political and anti-colonial in nature. Suicide terrorism was an effect of harsh repression of non-violent resistance during the first Intifada

So, is violence, as Gallagher posits, merely a response to past injustices inflicted on the Palestinians? Does Israel share some of the blame? Prior to its recent incursion into the Gaza strip, surrounding towns in Israel were showered with rockets almost every day.

The city of Sderot was attacked on a daily basis, but that fact was ignored because there were no casualties, the reason being the Israeli government takes care of its people; most Israelis have a bomb shelter that they can go to. In any form of war, civilians need to be protected. That being said, Hamas uses civilians, specifically women and children, as human shields, which is an atrocity.

The truth is both sides are guilty of crossing the line. The UN sanctioned Goldstone report accused Hamas, which controls the Gaza strip and the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) of breaching the rules of engagement and even committing war crimes during the Gaza War of 2008. Israel claims to try to prevent civilian casualties, but often, their response to attacks is disproportionate.

Military errors aside, one of the biggest Israeli policy errors in the seventies was the decision to marginalize the moderate factions of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which was largely a secular entity advocating for Palestinian sovereignty. Hoping to destroy Palestinian nationalism, Israel cynically exploited the divisions within the PLO, ultimately giving prominence and political influence to the more religious Hamas. As a result, the Palestinian Authority (PA) today derives its capacity entirely from Israel.

The PA is completely corrupt. It is precisely so because of the conditions of the occupation and because they rely on the Israelis for their positions. The Israelis necessitate their participation and as Noam Chomsky has said the PA has become a function of “indigenization of repression.

Furthermore, by providing foreign aid to unpopular leaders in the neighboring countries, such as Egypt and Lebanon, American leaders are finding it increasingly hard to obtain popular support for peace.

For decades, the West has attempted to control valuable oil resources in the region. To accomplish this it had to put its hopes in “friendly” despots in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt, Iraq, and Iran. If the US were to sever its ties with dictators in the region and to cut its military backing of Israel, it would benefit from an immense change in attitude from the tens of millions of Arabs living under subjugation.

The involvement of the religious right further complicates matters. What began as a historically secular conflict over land has conflagrated into a religious war with extremists on both sides hijacking the debate. Whether it’s the Hamas preaching destruction of Israel, or ultra-orthodox Jews advocating violence in the West Bank, the potent and deadly mix of political dispute and fundamentalist religion has set aflame this dispute to a dangerous level.

The right-wing fundamentalists in Israel are absolutely detrimental to the peace process. When people think about Jews, they do not realize the deep divide between the different sects and how it influences the Israeli political process.

But despite past failures, the fact remains that most Israelis and Palestinians are disenchanted with the policies of their own governments and seek a peaceful resolution. The Middle East is no stranger to the concept of sacrifice. On behalf of their country and people, families, both Jewish and Arab, have suffered too many corpses. However, the greatest and most courageous sacrifices are those that have made a lasting impact towards the goal of peace.  Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated by a right-wing Israeli extremist when he signed the Declarations of the Principles of Self-Government in Oslo. The peace process may have died with him, but today he is an iconic figure in Israel, celebrated as a hero by the pro-peace movement. When Anwar Sadat, President of Egypt, signed an historic peace treaty with Israel in 1979, his country was ousted from the Arab League and he was assassinated by a terrorist organization. Yet that agreement of peace between two ancient enemies has survived the test of time.For peace to be a reality in the near future, both Israelis and Palestinians should wholly embrace what true sacrifice means.

Sacrifice from the Israelis involves acknowledging the legitimate aspirations of Palestinians to obtain statehood. In the past, it was all too common for them to dismiss Palestinian nationalism as a faux and reactionary phenomenon. However, history shows that it has existed since the fall of the Ottoman Empire. The old phrase that once referred to Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” no longer rings true.

Sacrifice from the Palestinians entails the recognition that Israel, as a sovereign state and a regional superpower, will always remain. For more than 60 years, it has flourished as a vital democracy in a region that is sorely devoid of democratic values.  There is much that Israel can offer to a future state of Palestine in terms of cultural exchanges, billions of dollars in economic investment and an opportunity to become a self-made republic.  The goal of “driving the Jews into the sea”, a phrase very prominent during the Palestinian intifada, is as bigoted as it is unrealistic.

Speaking about the effects of this conflict, Pulitzer Prize winning author David Shipler once eloquently wrote, “War is the soil that nourishes those tangled weeds of hatred.” This war, born at the pinnacle of Israel’s independence movement has culminated today in a clarion call for Palestinian self-determination. For all their differences, both Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs share a historical memory that is filled with oppression and persecution. As these sons and daughters of Abraham attempt to find their places in the holy land, an immutable truth lingers in their presence: there are far more things that unite than divide them.

On a beautiful October day two weeks before the most decisive day of his political career, Jon Corzine held a rally for Rutgers students at the College Avenue Gym. In order to gain momentum among student voters, Corzine had former President William Jefferson Clinton join him.  Many of us Rutgers students remember Bill Clinton as the president of our childhood, so we were excited to see him appear in person at our fine school, whether or not we supported his policies.

The line began to form outside the gym hours before the event was to begin. The doors were supposed to open at 7:30pm, but ended up opening about an hour earlier to accommodate the huge turnout for the event. With their personal bubble’s shrinking as more and more people filed in, the people in the front desperately tried to catch a glimpse of Clinton as everyone gathered backstage.  After a series of speakers (the crowd growing more and more impatient to see Clinton with each) President Clinton finally took the stage with Governor Corzine and his running mate, Loretta Weinberg.

Corzine introduced Clinton by reminding us that America was “respected around the world and we were at peace” when Clinton was president.  Corzine promised not to talk long, knowing the crowd was desperate to hear Clinton speak, so he focused on encouraging students to vote. He emphasized how much elections matter, referencing the debacle that was 2000. He told the crowd to talk to their friends and family and make sure that everyone votes, no matter for whom. As a chant of “four more years” resounded throughout the gym, Corzine promised to fight for healthcare for everyone, more money for dorms, and to ensure that women have the right to make their own choices.

President Clinton took to the podium to a huge ovation and camera flashes worthy of Derek Jeter in the post-season. He began by praising Loretta Weinberg, calling her a progressive “Jewish grandmother”. He praised the audience, saying it was great to have such a diverse crowd, which would not have been the case in the past. While it was a great time to be alive, Clinton said our country faced three problems: it was unequal, unstable, and unsustainable. We need to create more winners and fewer losers, he said.

Clinton asked the crowd an important question: “Why is this a close race?” He continued by listing the statistics of Corzine’s previous four years in office. For instance, under Corzine, New Jersey was the first state in the Union to have an economic recovery plan, which was actually used as a model for the national plan. He also pointed out among other things that New Jersey is first in the nation for the number of high school graduates and second in solar, wind, and other clean energy use. Clinton also boasted that Jon Corzine had gotten over 3% of the federal stimulus money, which is a bigger percentage than New Jersey’s population is of the national population.

Like Corzine, Clinton emphasized the importance of getting out and voting in the upcoming election. We need to make our “good intentions into changes in other people’s lives.” Fewer people are better at this than Jon Corzine, he said. This should not be a close race, and as both Jon Corzine and President Clinton reminded us, the future is in our hands.

Professor Gordon Schochet, who has taught at Rutgers since 1965, is retiring at the end of June.

How did you become interested in politics?

It seemed the natural thing to do. I grew up in Baltimore, so living near Washington had something to do with it. I would stop at the House and Senate office buildings just to meet famous people. Having been a kid during World War II, there was a clear sense, in my mind and in my life, of the importance of politics. McCarthy, anti-Communism, and watching the Estes Kefauver hearings into organized crime on television got me into politics. Roosevelt’s death in World War II had an enormous impact on me. I grew up with the belief, like lots of Jewish kids, that Roosevelt was God. When he died, it was like the death of God. That’s the thing that planted politics in my mind, and I’ve been a Democrat ever since.

How would you categorize yourself politically?

Certainly more progressive than the [Democratic] Party. I gave out campaign literature for the Truman campaign in 1948. The first Democrat about whom I really knew something about his politics was Adlai Stevenson. He appealed to me partially because he was an intellectual, but also because by 1952 I had very strong trade union biases. I still have a deep commitment to trade unionism, even thought it manages to shoot itself in the foot at every opportunity. In high school, I wrote a paper on the Taft-Hartley Act, which basically put handcuffs on unions. I remember when I wrote that paper deciding that I was going to go to law school and devote my life to repealing the Act. I went to school when we still had Bible readings, and being Jewish, I resented this (I still have not said the Pledge of Allegiance since the words “under God” have been added). One teacher in high school came to my support on grounds of freedom of religion and freedom of speech, and that really opened my eyes. That experience sensitized me to free speech and made my hatred of the Act even greater, because it was limiting the speech of the labor unions. When I went to Johns Hopkins, I got involved in what in 1954 were left-wing political activities, and worked hard for Owen Lattimore, who taught at the university and was accused of giving secrets to Communists. I organized a group called the Hopkins Campus Young Democrats. In 1956, I worked for Stevenson, went to a rally in Silver Springs, Maryland, and was introduced to him. My interest in Democratic Party politics was sealed.

Who are some of your favorite political philosophers and minds, past and current?

The philosophers for whom I take many of my bearings historically are John Locke and John Stuart Mill, and even Thomas Hobbes- though I disagree with almost everything he wrote, I think he understood politics with a deep profundity. As political people, I’d say Martin Luther King and Thurgood Marshall (I admired Marshall since I was a kid. He was a lawyer for the NAACP and was in Baltimore. I grew up in a segregated city, so the kids I played with were not the kids I went to school with, and that always bothered me). I like Paul Krugman very much, as well as Bob Herbert. In a weird way I admire David Brooks. I disagree with him but he’s very smart. I’ve been watching Rachel Maddow and I get a kick out her. She’s smart-assed, smart, and tough. Given the current world situation, we need to be able to simultaneously laugh and be outraged.

What do you feel about Obama’s election?

Obama’s victory is certainly the most important thing that has happened in the U.S. since the end of World War II, and it happens in the worst times we’ve experienced since the Depression. I hope that he will have the strength and courage- and also the money- to do what needs to be done. I really don’t think this is the time for bi-partisanship- the Democratic Party recaptured some kind of vision and given this crisis, we have to plow ahead with that vision, and that’s pretty ruthless and will make a lot of people angry. The thing that I like most about Obama is that he got an enormous number of young people into the system, and I haven’t seen anything like that in American politics since JFK. The fact that he won means that those large numbers of young people don’t have an excuse yet to drop out. His victory can signal a real invigoration of the American political process. The one thing that bothers me about Obama is that he doesn’t seem to have any spontaneity; everything seems to be very studied and measured. I like the idea that there will be opposition in his cabinet, but I don’t know if he has the political will to push some of these things through. He often compares himself to Lincoln but in many respects, I think a comparison to Roosevelt is more appropriate. That kind of slightly above-it-all, well-educated, carefully phrased and thought-out, and- here I can use the word- articulate, and that’s the only word, because the predecessor was a sub-literate who couldn’t put two grammatically-correct or intelligible sentences together, and when he did, it was by accident. I like the fact that we are coming back to the notion that our leaders should be a little better than we are. I don’t want to be governed by Joe the Plumber. I want someone who understands his problems, but I don’t want Joe making policy.

So would you say you’re optimistic about the future?

Well, I’m something of an idealist. I really believe in principles, that people can be reasonable. I believe that we do respond properly to the deprivations and sufferings of others, and we can be made to see that we should put our self-interests aside for some greater good. I really believe that, even though the evidence certainly suggests that it’s not true, until we see that not helping the disadvantaged will hurt us more than we hurt now.

What do you think about the current political climate in the United States (Democrats vs. Republicans, Liberals vs. Conservatives)?

A: The people most responsible for the conflicts in the ‘70’s and ‘80’s pretty much dropped out of the political system. A certain degree of cynicism, though, is absolutely essential to the political process. Our liberties are best protected by being constantly on-guard against those that would take them away from us. We are slaves to our self-interest, so sometimes we need to be kicked. We can’t call each other into account if we capitulate, and no matter how much we love him, we can’t capitulate to Obama. On some level, Democrats are no better than Republicans- just look at [Rod] Blagojevich. He’s a deep embarrassment. We need to constantly ask, “what the hell is going on?”

Dou you believe the issue of gay marriage can tear Liberals and Conservatives apart?

I think at some point they are all going to realize that it’s really small potatoes, that in some sense these people will say, “I don’t give a goddamn, it’s none of my business.” I think the social conservatives are going to be beaten down and are going to realize that there are more important issues. It’s not up to me to say who can love someone and who cannot love someone. You cannot use divine rite as a basis for policy in a society like America. In your private life you might disdain gay marriage, but it’s not your goddamn business, and I think they’ll figure that out. I think the economic crisis will at some level diminish the importance of things like gay marriage. It’s much more important to have a place to live and enough to eat than it is to worry about who’s married to whom. It seems to me that social conservatism is a kind of economic luxury, and we can’t afford any economic luxuries right now.

What will you miss most about Rutgers?

I’ll miss my kids, as I call them. It’s not just the classroom, but what I’ve done over the years. I will miss watching students move through four years of school and see what develops. Participating in the lives of students and helping them get the most they can out of four years of school, in and out of the classroom. I’m going to miss the students as people, because I’m persuaded that every one of you has an interesting story.

How has Rutgers changed since you first arrived here?

I think an interesting and good change is the rapid increase in East and South Asian, as well as observant Jewish students on campus. The increasing number of women in hijabs has been good and interesting to watch- if we are ever to overcome our hostility to Islam, it will be by discovering that they are human beings, too. When I came here in 1965, the campus was fairly conservative. There was an anxiety about the draft, and that anxiety as the Vietnam War lingered, and as black protest on campus increased, created a politically radical nucleus on campus. By the time I moved over to Livingston College in 1969, the campus was much more obviously political, and it was moving to the left. By 1974, it became very conservative again; people were much more interested in succeeding, but not for intellectual reasons, but because they knew they could get good jobs if they stayed in school. They lost interest in politics in part because there was nothing to be political about. Gas prices shot up, and there were lines at the gas stations, but we could not get students to protest, because they had no interest in it. We didn’t become political again until after 9/11, and one of the things that really forced the campus into a kind of political activism was [Don Imus’s] comment about the women’s basketball team.

What are some of you favorite Rutgers moments?

After Nixon was elected in 1968, I walked into class and students sitting in the back each held up a sign with a letter that spelled out, “Nixon is the one,” and I thought that was just wonderful, that these kids knew I would enjoy the joke, and my thought was that I like that they feel free enough to do this, and that they knew me well enough to know that I’d appreciate it. Another moment was in 1970 when a bunch of students, in protesting the Vietnam War, literally shut down the Northeast Rail Corridor by sitting on the train tracks above Edison, bringing the train traffic between New York and Washington to a stop. They were all fined and taken off to jail, a lot of people were really pissed off, but what they were saying was that the inconvenience to you, being late for work, is nothing compared to the inconvenience of people in Vietnam and those whose sons are being sent off and killed. This is a small inconvenience to bring home to you the problems of the world. I don’t think you can get students to do that anymore.

GORDON SCHOCHET Professor, received his A.B. and M.A. degrees from Johns Hopkins University and his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota. He also studied at Cambridge University as a Fulbright Fellow, has held several major fellowships, and was member of the Institute for Advanced Study. He is the founding editor of Hebraic Political Studies, a journal devoted to the recovery of the uses of Biblical and rabbinic Hebrew writings in the history of political thought and a founder and member of the Steering committee of the Center for the History of British Political Thought at the Folger Shakespeare Library where these same intellectual interests have been pursued. Professor Schochet serves on the editorial boards of the Journal of the History of Ideas and Eighteenth-Century Thought and regularly reviews manuscripts for major journals in political science, political theory, and the history of ideas.

Shortly after noon on the 20th of January, 2009, Barack Hussein Obama stood before an audience of close to 1.8 million people to take the Oath of Office and become the 44th President of the United States. Frigid January temperatures in Washington D.C. were not enough to stop crowds from packing the National Mall to witness the inauguration of the nation’s first African American President.

Barack Obama giving his Inaugural Address in January.
Barack Obama giving his Inaugural Address in January.

The crowd was large enough that, for the first time ever, the entire two-mile expanse of the Mall was open to the public. The ceremonies began at ten o’clock in the morning with musical selections from The United States Marine Band, as well as a stirring performance of “Let Freedom Ring” by Aretha Franklin.

The ceremony did not go on without a hitch, however. Obama stood before Chief Justice John Roberts with his left hand on the bible used by Abraham Lincoln, and Chief Justice Roberts, who was reciting the oath to Obama from memory, incorrectly stated, “I will execute the Office of President to the United States faithfully,” rather than “that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States.” While Roberts restated the line correctly, President Obama decided to repeat the line how Roberts first delivered it. The rest of the oath was taken without incident, but President Obama still retook the oath the following day.

White House Counsel Greg Craig stated that this was simply due to an “abundance of caution,” assuring that Obama had been the President since he was first sworn in. In the inaugural address that followed, President Obama spoke extensively on the troubles faced by the country. “The challenges we face are real,” he said. “They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America – they will be met.” Recognizing how the faults of the previous administration have affected world opinion of the U.S., Obama stated that “America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child… [and] we are ready to lead once more.”

President Obama now faces not only questions over how to handle the military occupation of both Iraq and Afghanistan, but an economy in a downturn reminiscent of what was faced by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933. Already in his first few days in office, Obama has begun reversing key Bush policies in the ‘War on Terror,’ signing executive orders to close the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay within a year and forcing all interrogations to follow non-coercive methods. These actions can be seen as a strong beginning to the first one hundred days where the tone of the Obama Presidency will be revealed.

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