Archive for April, 2009

Rick Warren giving a sermon at the Inauguration of Barack Obama.
Rick Warren giving a sermon at the Inauguration of Barack Obama.

For those of you not up-to-date on the recent controversies, President Barack Obama decided to have Pastor Rick Warren of Saddleback Church do his invocation during the January 20th inauguration. Sadly, this decision has been relentlessly criticized by many Democrats without cause, and such criticisms have been reduced primarily to ad hominem attacks on Warren himself.

The first question you must ask is whether Obama’s decision was “wrong”. I would argue it was not. Rick Warren is not a fundamentalist. In fact, he remains one of the most moderate and open-minded individuals within popular Christianity; even hosting a fair forum with both 2008 general election candidates without ever taking sides. Any remark of extremism and/or comparisons to the likes of Jerry Falwell or Pat Robertson reveals simple ignorance. This takes us to some of Warren’s infamous quotes: Did you hear that Warren called homosexuality equal to incest and pedophilia? In fact, Warren only argues that sodomy is equivalent to homosexuality in the context of them both changing the 5,000-year-old definition of marriage.

Although Warren is by-no-means the most politically correct or salient speaker, his comment remains factually correct. Warren also comments later, via an off-the-cuff youtubescue video, saying that he by no means believes incest and homosexuality equal. Thus, to argue his prejudice against gays using one comment out of context, while simultaneously disregarding his clarification of that comment later, seems illogical. I can understand why homosexuals may disagree with Obama’s choice; obviously they would much prefer a pastor who believes the Bible doesn’t forbid homosexuality, but the outrage shown by so many people remains unwarranted. Warren has also been charged with the crime of comparing abortion to the holocaust. Although taken out of context as well, the main problem with this argument is that it forgoes the main premises of pro-life advocacy.

“Don’t tell me it should be rare. That’s like saying on the Holocaust, ‘Well, maybe we could save 20 percent of the Jewish people in Poland and Germany and get them out and we should be satisfied with that,’” Warren said. “I’m not satisfied with that. I want the Holocaust ended.” The context shows that the holocaust was used only as a popularly understood event of mass murder; such an analogy could easily be interchanged with many others. In addition, most pro-lifers believe that abortion IS murder. Although one may disagree with such an assertion, the analogy above simply defines a holocaust as mass murders, and thus abortion is like a holocaust and ought to be stopped. Once again, you may disagree with him, but there is nothing extreme or logically fallacious with his comment. Once again, although politically incorrect, the remark remains factually correct if taken from a pro-life viewpoint.

Accepting all the points made above, one may still disagree with Obama’s choice of Warren, but to argue that it was “wrong” or to be particularly outraged would be too strong of a response. The question then remains whether this was politically wise. I would personally say it was. Although I can see why many would disagree, Warren is probably the most popular moderate evangelical leader in the country.

If Obama needs a pastor (Wright won’t do), and wanted to reach across the aisle, Warren undoubtedly is the best choice. As seen over his presidential campaign, Obama is clearly shrewd. But how shrewd? Shrewd enough to lean away from his party to make himself more favorable to evangelicals particularly? I think so. In the end, you must admit that this issue, once Obama takes office, will be completely forgotten by liberals. They will go back to worshiping the ground he walks on once he shows he can at least properly invade countries without warrant (a remark on President Bush’s incompetence). Evangelicals, on the other hand, are still wary of Obama and feel lost in today’s Republican Party. I would argue that the Democratic outrage regarding this “issue” only better serves Obama’s strategy, since Obama now looks like he is a moderate, cares about evangelicals, and will even stand up to the “far left”. Since evangelicals are the only ones who may remember this event, why not concoct such a strategy? Regardless of whether it was planned or not, this could turn out well for the President.

In the end, “Warren-Gate” is not newsworthy. In the absence of any real news, the media enjoys creating drama in their own image. Homosexuals and Democrats can disagree with the decision, but don’t act like this is a big deal when people around the world are dying from crimes against humanity (I haven’t heard this much outrage about Darfur)! This petty bickering and inability to form priorities remains one of the foremost problems facing our political system. We just elected an African American Democrat as President during a financial crisis and we’re really spending time on this? Despite being a big supporter of Obama’s, I’m all for keeping our politicians accountable. However, this borders on the absurd, and remains quasi-hypocritical. We can’t ask that our politicians work with opposing parties while excluding those who have different opinions! It’s ironic how intolerant we viewed conservative Christians when they ridiculed Warren for inviting Obama to his Church, and yet we see no hypocrisy in this situation? As Obama has already pointed out in his talking points, Warren has done much for social justice issues as well as AIDS/HIV.

Rick Warren is not an extremist, nor is he intolerant. He simply disagrees with most Democrats on some social issues. I seriously question who is being more intolerant in this situation. Conservative Christian moderates like Rick Warren ought to be encouraged. Obama is acting in a bipartisan manner, like he said he would, while still legislatively pursuing the Democratic issues he promised. And we wonder why politicians lie to us?

Professor Gordon Schochet, who has taught at Rutgers since 1965, is retiring at the end of June.

How did you become interested in politics?

It seemed the natural thing to do. I grew up in Baltimore, so living near Washington had something to do with it. I would stop at the House and Senate office buildings just to meet famous people. Having been a kid during World War II, there was a clear sense, in my mind and in my life, of the importance of politics. McCarthy, anti-Communism, and watching the Estes Kefauver hearings into organized crime on television got me into politics. Roosevelt’s death in World War II had an enormous impact on me. I grew up with the belief, like lots of Jewish kids, that Roosevelt was God. When he died, it was like the death of God. That’s the thing that planted politics in my mind, and I’ve been a Democrat ever since.

How would you categorize yourself politically?

Certainly more progressive than the [Democratic] Party. I gave out campaign literature for the Truman campaign in 1948. The first Democrat about whom I really knew something about his politics was Adlai Stevenson. He appealed to me partially because he was an intellectual, but also because by 1952 I had very strong trade union biases. I still have a deep commitment to trade unionism, even thought it manages to shoot itself in the foot at every opportunity. In high school, I wrote a paper on the Taft-Hartley Act, which basically put handcuffs on unions. I remember when I wrote that paper deciding that I was going to go to law school and devote my life to repealing the Act. I went to school when we still had Bible readings, and being Jewish, I resented this (I still have not said the Pledge of Allegiance since the words “under God” have been added). One teacher in high school came to my support on grounds of freedom of religion and freedom of speech, and that really opened my eyes. That experience sensitized me to free speech and made my hatred of the Act even greater, because it was limiting the speech of the labor unions. When I went to Johns Hopkins, I got involved in what in 1954 were left-wing political activities, and worked hard for Owen Lattimore, who taught at the university and was accused of giving secrets to Communists. I organized a group called the Hopkins Campus Young Democrats. In 1956, I worked for Stevenson, went to a rally in Silver Springs, Maryland, and was introduced to him. My interest in Democratic Party politics was sealed.

Who are some of your favorite political philosophers and minds, past and current?

The philosophers for whom I take many of my bearings historically are John Locke and John Stuart Mill, and even Thomas Hobbes- though I disagree with almost everything he wrote, I think he understood politics with a deep profundity. As political people, I’d say Martin Luther King and Thurgood Marshall (I admired Marshall since I was a kid. He was a lawyer for the NAACP and was in Baltimore. I grew up in a segregated city, so the kids I played with were not the kids I went to school with, and that always bothered me). I like Paul Krugman very much, as well as Bob Herbert. In a weird way I admire David Brooks. I disagree with him but he’s very smart. I’ve been watching Rachel Maddow and I get a kick out her. She’s smart-assed, smart, and tough. Given the current world situation, we need to be able to simultaneously laugh and be outraged.

What do you feel about Obama’s election?

Obama’s victory is certainly the most important thing that has happened in the U.S. since the end of World War II, and it happens in the worst times we’ve experienced since the Depression. I hope that he will have the strength and courage- and also the money- to do what needs to be done. I really don’t think this is the time for bi-partisanship- the Democratic Party recaptured some kind of vision and given this crisis, we have to plow ahead with that vision, and that’s pretty ruthless and will make a lot of people angry. The thing that I like most about Obama is that he got an enormous number of young people into the system, and I haven’t seen anything like that in American politics since JFK. The fact that he won means that those large numbers of young people don’t have an excuse yet to drop out. His victory can signal a real invigoration of the American political process. The one thing that bothers me about Obama is that he doesn’t seem to have any spontaneity; everything seems to be very studied and measured. I like the idea that there will be opposition in his cabinet, but I don’t know if he has the political will to push some of these things through. He often compares himself to Lincoln but in many respects, I think a comparison to Roosevelt is more appropriate. That kind of slightly above-it-all, well-educated, carefully phrased and thought-out, and- here I can use the word- articulate, and that’s the only word, because the predecessor was a sub-literate who couldn’t put two grammatically-correct or intelligible sentences together, and when he did, it was by accident. I like the fact that we are coming back to the notion that our leaders should be a little better than we are. I don’t want to be governed by Joe the Plumber. I want someone who understands his problems, but I don’t want Joe making policy.

So would you say you’re optimistic about the future?

Well, I’m something of an idealist. I really believe in principles, that people can be reasonable. I believe that we do respond properly to the deprivations and sufferings of others, and we can be made to see that we should put our self-interests aside for some greater good. I really believe that, even though the evidence certainly suggests that it’s not true, until we see that not helping the disadvantaged will hurt us more than we hurt now.

What do you think about the current political climate in the United States (Democrats vs. Republicans, Liberals vs. Conservatives)?

A: The people most responsible for the conflicts in the ‘70’s and ‘80’s pretty much dropped out of the political system. A certain degree of cynicism, though, is absolutely essential to the political process. Our liberties are best protected by being constantly on-guard against those that would take them away from us. We are slaves to our self-interest, so sometimes we need to be kicked. We can’t call each other into account if we capitulate, and no matter how much we love him, we can’t capitulate to Obama. On some level, Democrats are no better than Republicans- just look at [Rod] Blagojevich. He’s a deep embarrassment. We need to constantly ask, “what the hell is going on?”

Dou you believe the issue of gay marriage can tear Liberals and Conservatives apart?

I think at some point they are all going to realize that it’s really small potatoes, that in some sense these people will say, “I don’t give a goddamn, it’s none of my business.” I think the social conservatives are going to be beaten down and are going to realize that there are more important issues. It’s not up to me to say who can love someone and who cannot love someone. You cannot use divine rite as a basis for policy in a society like America. In your private life you might disdain gay marriage, but it’s not your goddamn business, and I think they’ll figure that out. I think the economic crisis will at some level diminish the importance of things like gay marriage. It’s much more important to have a place to live and enough to eat than it is to worry about who’s married to whom. It seems to me that social conservatism is a kind of economic luxury, and we can’t afford any economic luxuries right now.

What will you miss most about Rutgers?

I’ll miss my kids, as I call them. It’s not just the classroom, but what I’ve done over the years. I will miss watching students move through four years of school and see what develops. Participating in the lives of students and helping them get the most they can out of four years of school, in and out of the classroom. I’m going to miss the students as people, because I’m persuaded that every one of you has an interesting story.

How has Rutgers changed since you first arrived here?

I think an interesting and good change is the rapid increase in East and South Asian, as well as observant Jewish students on campus. The increasing number of women in hijabs has been good and interesting to watch- if we are ever to overcome our hostility to Islam, it will be by discovering that they are human beings, too. When I came here in 1965, the campus was fairly conservative. There was an anxiety about the draft, and that anxiety as the Vietnam War lingered, and as black protest on campus increased, created a politically radical nucleus on campus. By the time I moved over to Livingston College in 1969, the campus was much more obviously political, and it was moving to the left. By 1974, it became very conservative again; people were much more interested in succeeding, but not for intellectual reasons, but because they knew they could get good jobs if they stayed in school. They lost interest in politics in part because there was nothing to be political about. Gas prices shot up, and there were lines at the gas stations, but we could not get students to protest, because they had no interest in it. We didn’t become political again until after 9/11, and one of the things that really forced the campus into a kind of political activism was [Don Imus’s] comment about the women’s basketball team.

What are some of you favorite Rutgers moments?

After Nixon was elected in 1968, I walked into class and students sitting in the back each held up a sign with a letter that spelled out, “Nixon is the one,” and I thought that was just wonderful, that these kids knew I would enjoy the joke, and my thought was that I like that they feel free enough to do this, and that they knew me well enough to know that I’d appreciate it. Another moment was in 1970 when a bunch of students, in protesting the Vietnam War, literally shut down the Northeast Rail Corridor by sitting on the train tracks above Edison, bringing the train traffic between New York and Washington to a stop. They were all fined and taken off to jail, a lot of people were really pissed off, but what they were saying was that the inconvenience to you, being late for work, is nothing compared to the inconvenience of people in Vietnam and those whose sons are being sent off and killed. This is a small inconvenience to bring home to you the problems of the world. I don’t think you can get students to do that anymore.

GORDON SCHOCHET Professor, received his A.B. and M.A. degrees from Johns Hopkins University and his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota. He also studied at Cambridge University as a Fulbright Fellow, has held several major fellowships, and was member of the Institute for Advanced Study. He is the founding editor of Hebraic Political Studies, a journal devoted to the recovery of the uses of Biblical and rabbinic Hebrew writings in the history of political thought and a founder and member of the Steering committee of the Center for the History of British Political Thought at the Folger Shakespeare Library where these same intellectual interests have been pursued. Professor Schochet serves on the editorial boards of the Journal of the History of Ideas and Eighteenth-Century Thought and regularly reviews manuscripts for major journals in political science, political theory, and the history of ideas.

“For the world has changed, and we must change with it”, proclaimed Barack Hussein Obama on a cold January morning, minutes after he took the oath of office to become the 44th President of the United States. He made a pledge to the world; a great promise of internationalism that hasn’t been seen since John F. Kennedy. America is now lead by a president whose thought process can be traced to a vast diversity of international experiences. Obama has walked a path in life that few American presidents can boast, although that isn’t to say that people aren’t wary. During my recent trip to India, I was bombarded with many questions about the new President.

Barack Obama at the G-20 Summit in London.

What is his commitment to the subcontinent? Will he try to stop the outsourcing of jobs? How would he deal with Pakistan? Recovering from the senseless attacks in Mumbai, most Indians that I speak to are entranced by Obama’s oratory and his star power, but quickly return to the cynical reality they hold so dear. With the area under control by Taliban expanding in the north-eastern regions of Pakistan, Talibanistan, India lies only a few hundred miles away. Many of my Indian friends professed to me their fear that Obama might be too soft on Pakistan. This is contradicted by his ever swift response in condemning the Mumbai attacks, his stern willingness to continue the war in Afghanistan by increasing the number of troops there, and to break away from his predecessors in condemning Pakistan’s inability to root out terrorist networks. He understands that the central front on the “War on Terror” is in Afghanistan, and is a test of endurance for the rest of the Muslim world, especially in the Middle East.

Military strategies aside, one gets a sense that President Obama understands that one of the strengths of networks like Al-Qaeda is their ability to propagate their ideological hatred. Even now, as thousands of madrassas in Pakistan and Afghanistan train young Muslims at a young age to fear the Jews and Hindus as enemies, Obama understands that a war strategy alone cannot assuage feelings of despair and hate that arise from years of economic and political instability. He knows that this is as much a war of ideology as it is a war of weapons. In the recent interview with Al-Arabiya, he spoke of his willingness to break away from the reckless Bush administration neologisms like “Islamofascism” and “American crusade.” At the same time, however, he refused to respect terrorist organizations and called their ideas bankrupt.

The most astute of his observations in that interview was how he saw no economic benefit for the people of the Arab world, from those that propagate these hateful ideologies. Having lived in Indonesia, one of the largest Muslim countries, and having witnessed conditions like abject poverty and lack of a decent infrastructure, the President can brag some institutional knowledge about conditions that lead people to embrace the extremist ideology. His heritage, which television pundits predicted would lead to his electoral demise and was often used by right wing zealots to undermine him, is now suddenly an asset for the simple reason that the Muslim world, in general, is less likely to be hostile to a man who once called the evening Islamic prayer as “one of the prettiest sounds on Earth at sunset.” The terrorists are desperately trying to quell the Obamania that is sweeping across the world. They face an adversary who flaunts an aura of internationalism that has never been seen before in modern history, one that makes all Americans declare, “We are ready to lead again.”

Shortly after noon on the 20th of January, 2009, Barack Hussein Obama stood before an audience of close to 1.8 million people to take the Oath of Office and become the 44th President of the United States. Frigid January temperatures in Washington D.C. were not enough to stop crowds from packing the National Mall to witness the inauguration of the nation’s first African American President.

Barack Obama giving his Inaugural Address in January.
Barack Obama giving his Inaugural Address in January.

The crowd was large enough that, for the first time ever, the entire two-mile expanse of the Mall was open to the public. The ceremonies began at ten o’clock in the morning with musical selections from The United States Marine Band, as well as a stirring performance of “Let Freedom Ring” by Aretha Franklin.

The ceremony did not go on without a hitch, however. Obama stood before Chief Justice John Roberts with his left hand on the bible used by Abraham Lincoln, and Chief Justice Roberts, who was reciting the oath to Obama from memory, incorrectly stated, “I will execute the Office of President to the United States faithfully,” rather than “that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States.” While Roberts restated the line correctly, President Obama decided to repeat the line how Roberts first delivered it. The rest of the oath was taken without incident, but President Obama still retook the oath the following day.

White House Counsel Greg Craig stated that this was simply due to an “abundance of caution,” assuring that Obama had been the President since he was first sworn in. In the inaugural address that followed, President Obama spoke extensively on the troubles faced by the country. “The challenges we face are real,” he said. “They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America – they will be met.” Recognizing how the faults of the previous administration have affected world opinion of the U.S., Obama stated that “America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child… [and] we are ready to lead once more.”

President Obama now faces not only questions over how to handle the military occupation of both Iraq and Afghanistan, but an economy in a downturn reminiscent of what was faced by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933. Already in his first few days in office, Obama has begun reversing key Bush policies in the ‘War on Terror,’ signing executive orders to close the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay within a year and forcing all interrogations to follow non-coercive methods. These actions can be seen as a strong beginning to the first one hundred days where the tone of the Obama Presidency will be revealed.

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